Althusius is undoubtedly the founder and connotation endower of the term “federation”. He explained the origin of the term as coming from “feudo”, which means feudal territory, covenant, agreement, and obligation. It is a group of people with a common purpose who, under the witness of God, sign a covenant stipulating that a ruler will be elected among them in some just manner, and the others will obey the ruler's commands. The author named this form of organization: federation. The family (...) is the most basic unit of a federation, or more bluntly, the family is the smallest federation. Can a king create another king with the same rights by transferring rights? Impossible. Because the rights of the recipient of the transferred rights are always less than those of the transferor. This is the process and essence of politics. In the author's view, politics, or rather, just politics, should be organized in the form of a federation. In this federal polity, the lower ranks are higher than the upper ranks, and the parts are greater than the whole. Because the lower ranks, parts, peripheries, and subordinates are eternal; while the upper ranks, the whole, the center, and the superiors are temporary, derivative, and created, and thus can also be taken away. Indeed, the authority of an individual citizen is less than that of the supreme magistrate as the head of the union. But the collective authority of the citizens is greater than the authority of the supreme magistrate. (shrink)

This collection consolidates these scattered works of Proudhon to provide researchers with citation sources in a paper format. The editing of this collection is a non-profit project. The articles and letters in this collection include: 1837 Application for the Suard Pension 1839 The Celebration of Sunday 1840 Letter to the Members of the Academy of Besançon 1842 Explanations Presented to the Public Minister on the Right of Property Letter to Bergmann 1845 My Testament: or, Society of Avengers 1846 Proudhon To (...) Marx 1847 On the Jews 1848 Letter to Jeanne Deroin The Malthusians, the Representatives of the People Toast to the Revolution 1849 God is Evil, Man is Free In Connection with Louis Blanc: The Present Use and Future Possibility of the State Interest and Principal: A Loan is a Service Interest and Principal: Arguments Drawn from the Operations of the Bank of France Interest and Principal: The Origin of Ground Rent Interest and Principle: The Circulation of Capital, Not Capital Itself, Gives Birth to Progress Letter to Pierre Leroux Parliamentary Isolation The Coming Era of Mutualism The Nature and Destination of Government The State: Its Nature, Object, and Destiny What is Government? What is God? 1850 Dilemma: Red or White 1851 Letter to A. M. Boutteville Letter to Langlois 1852 The Extremes The Social Revolution Demonstrated by the Coup d'Etat of December 2, 1851 Unanimity: Universal Consent 1855 New Propositions Demonstrated in the Practice of Revolutions Propositions: To Leave Behind Abstractions, Utopias, Systems, Doctrines, Theories and Empiricisms of the Parties Schools and Sects 1857 Letter to Villiaumé 1861 Relation of the State and Liberty, According to Modern Right The Theory of Taxation 1864 Letter to Several Workers in Paris and Rouen. (shrink)

Proudhon is renowned for his anarchist ideas, yet his thoughts on federalism have long been overlooked. To such an extent that Proudhon himself wrote in his book that even at that time, his critics did not carefully read his ideas on federalism, but hastily concluded that all his discussions on federation were anarchistic, which greatly frustrated Proudhon. As for this book, The Principle Of Federation and the Need to Reconstitute the Party of Revolution, there is very limited information available on (...) both the English and Chinese Internet. Richard Vernon published an English translation of the book in 1979, but it only covered the main chapters discussing federalism, about 12 chapters in total. However, the original French version of the book consists of 31 chapters. To date, there is no Chinese translation of this book. Therefore, the translator believes that it is highly appropriate to translate the complete version of this book into Chinese and introduce it to the Chinese repository. After revising the Chinese translation, the translator also intends to re-translate the book into an English version to fill the gap of the remaining 19 chapters in the English repository. -/- Proudhon believed that politics, fundamentally, depends on two entirely opposite principles: authority and liberty. One is obedience and belief, while the other is freedom and reason. These two principles are as old as human history itself. The principle of authority is naturally given, while the principle of liberty is derived from thought and reason. Among the various combinations of liberty and authority, Proudhon classified all forms of government in the world into two major categories and four specific types. The two major categories are authoritative regimes and free regimes. In authoritative systems, power is indivisible, whereas in free systems, power is divisible. Every society contains elements of both authority and liberty. Only one kind of constitution can combine order and liberty, stability and justice. And this constitution, ultimately recognized by the people's reason, must be federalism. -/- So, how is federalism established? The author reviews the signing of the contract. To meet the conditions of cooperation and complementarity of the contract, citizens must fulfill the following when joining the contract: 1) The benefits they receive from the state must be equal to the sacrifices they make to the state. 2) They must retain their freedom, sovereignty, and initiative. Proudhon also explicitly pointed out that this stipulated and understood political contract is what is called a federation. The essence of the federal contract is that within this system, the contracting parties—namely, the heads of families, communes, states, provinces, or kingdoms—not only assume obligations to each other but also, through the contract, retain more rights, more freedom, more power, and more property than they have relinquished. (shrink)